Journal of Arabic and Islamic Studies

 

IBN FA®DL£AN AND THE R£USIYYAH*

 

James E. Montgomery

 

Cambridge

 

[ABSTRACT:] Ibn Fadl¢an's account of the caliphal embassy from Baghdad to the King of the Volga Bulgh¢ars in the early fourth/tenth century is one of our principal, textual sources for the history, ethnogenesis and polity formation of a number of tribes and peoples who populated Inner Asia. Of especial significance is his description of a people whom he calls the R¢usiyyah. Attempts to identify this people have been the stuff of controversy for almost two centuries and have largely focused on how this description can be made to contribute to the Normanist Controversy (the principal, but by no means the only, controversy concerns the extent of Viking involvement in the creation of Russia). This article provides a fresh, annotated translation of Ibn Fadl¢an's passage and considers a multiplicity of identities for the R¢usiyyah.

 

Ibn Fadl¢an’s account of his participation in the deputation sent by the Caliph al-Muqtadir in the year 921 A.D. to the King of the Bulgh¢ars of the Volga, in response to his request for help, has proved to be an invaluable source of information for modern scholars interested in, among other subjects, the birth and formation of the Russian state, in the Viking involvement in northern and eastern Europe, in the Slavs and the Khazars. It has been analyzed and commented upon frequently and forms the substance of many observations on the study of the ethnography and sociology of the peoples concerned. Yet it is no exaggeration to say that, with a few very conspicuous exceptions, the majority of the scholars who refer to it, who base their observations upon it and who argue from it, are at best improperly familiar with classical Arabic. In the case of the people known as the R¢usiyyah, for example, two modern commentators have surveyed Ibn Fadl¢an’s Kit¢ab, or a portion of it, and have all too hastily identified the R¢us, variously, as the Vikings[1] and the Russians,[2] a scholarly commonplace among those involved [2] in the Normanist debate. Both authors give the impression that they are blissfully unaware that their identifications may be contentious or that the R¢us have now been the subject of heated debate for more than one and a half centuries, though in later years the balance has swung in favour of the Normanists. Pavel Dolukhanov, however, a leading authority on the archaeology of the period, in his The Early Slavs: Eastern Europe from the Initial Settlement to the Kievan Rus, Harlow, 1996, is the most sophisticated and persuasive exponent of an essentially anti-Normanist, pro-Slav stance. There are numerous translations of the work into European languages.[3]

It is the nature of the accuracy of Ibn Fadl¢an’s report which interests me in this study. I shall concentrate on a test case: the section of the Kit¢ab devoted to the R¢usiyyah. My interest in this passage was occasioned by the three and a half years which I spent as Senior Lecturer in Arabic at the University [3] of Oslo, where, among scholars interested in the Vikings, as indeed among scholars generally, it is widely assumed that the R¢us were Scandinavians of eastern Swedish origin and where there are those who cast aspersions upon Ibn Fadl¢an’s veracity as an observer.[4] In a companion piece I have attempted to set the Kit¢ab, and this section in particular, within a wider textual context.[5] Ibn Fadl¢an’s cultural chauvinism does not, however, in my opinion, necessitate a total rejection of his veridicality.

The translation and commentary of the following passage benefited from the observations of Kjellfrid Nome and Ulla Stang Dahl, students in the Arabic Storfag at Oslo (1995), with whom I read the work.

I am not convinced that by R¢us/R¢usiyyah our text means either the Vikings or the Russians specifically. I am neither a Normanist nor an anti-Normanist. The Arabic sources in general quite simply do not afford us enough clarity. The tendency among scholars is to presume that different Arab authors mean the same thing when they apply the names R¢us or Maj¢us to the people they describe.[6] After a perusal of the sources, this strikes me as a perilous presumption. It is a distinct possibility that the medieval Arabs themselves were perplexed as to the exact identity of the R¢us, confusing, say, two different peoples.[7] This, indeed, is the conclusion which Mel’nikova and Petruchkin (as reported by Dolukhanov, 190) draw, arguing that:

Arab writers who often used the word ‘ar-rus’ never attached to it any ethnic significance. They viewed the ‘ar-rus’ as warriors and merchants regardless of their ethnic [4] affiliation. The same applies to Byzantine sources, which often mentioned ‘people calling themselves the Ross’ (Rhos), who in reality were groups of Scandinavians accomplishing various missions.

Although Mel’nikova and Petruchkin seem both to have their cake and to eat it (by evaluating unequally both sets of linguistic evidence—consistency on the part of the Greeks, inconsistency on the part of the Arabs), their assessment of the Arab sources is judicious. Each reference ought to be evaluated on its own merits. To avoid prejudicing the issue, I have therefore retained the transliterated form R¢us and R¢usiyyah and have generally referred to peoples and places in accordance with Ibn Fadl¢an’s own usage.

In 1970 I. P. …Saskol’skij, in a survey of modern trends within the Normanist problem (“Recent Developments in the Normanist Controversy,” in Varangian Problems, Scando Slavica Supplementum 1 [Copenhagen 1970, 21–38], hereafter VP), called for a reassessment and thorough scrutiny of “the Oriental (Arabic and Persian) sources on the history of ancient Rus’” (31). This is now available in Golden’s thorough article in the Encyclopaedia of Islam referred to above (n. 3). Golden (621) concludes the section on “The Origins of the R¢us” as follows:

The evidence is highly circumstantial at best. Given the complexities of their conjectured origins, it may, nonetheless, not be amiss to view the R¢us at this stage of their development, as they began to penetrate Eastern Europe, not as an ethnos, in the strict sense of the term, for this could shift as new ethnic elements were added, but rather as a commercial and political organisation. The term was certainly associated with maritime and riverine traders and merchant-mercenaries/pirates of “Sak¢aliba” stock (Northern and Eastern European, Scandinavian, Slavic and Finnic).

Dolukhanov (197) characterizes the Kievan Rus’ as “a loose confederation of regional arenas of power with strong separatist trends”. In a time of such manifest change and lack of imposition of cultural uniformity, it would be unwise to look for unanimous consistency among the R¢us, each group of whom may have represented a variable level of ethnic assimilation. These are cautious appraisals[8] according to which the R¢us appear as a more fluid social unit than recent scholarship has hitherto, often with its interests firmly vested in nationalist concerns, been willing to acknowledge. The R¢usiyyah in the passage which follows are a fine example of ethnic/social fluidity, [5] combining, as Ibn Fadl¢an portrays them (assuming, of course, that he has not himself confused two distinct peoples, either with or without the ethnonym R¢us), both essentially Varangian (costumary, among others) and Khazarian (regal) ethnic traits.[9] It is quintessentially this fluidity that must be determined.

 

TRANSLATION

 

I saw the R¢usiyyah when they had arrived on their trading expedition[10] and had disembarked at the River £Atil.[11] I have never seen more perfect physiques than theirs—they are like palm trees,[12] are fair and reddish,[13] and do not wear the qurçtaq or the caftan. The man wears a cloak with which he covers one half of his body, leaving one of his arms uncovered.[14] Every one of [6] them carries an axe,[15] a sword and a dagger[16] and is never without all of that which we have mentioned. Their swords are of the Frankish variety, with broad, ridged blades.[17] Each man, from the tip of his toes to his neck, is covered in dark-green lines,[18] pictures and such like. Each woman has, on her breast, a small disc, tied <around her neck>, made of either iron, silver, copper or gold, in relation to her husband’s financial and social worth. Each disc has a ring to which a dagger is attached, also lying on her breast.[19] Around [7] their necks they wear bands of gold and silver.[20] Whenever a man’s wealth reaches ten thousand dirhams, he has a band made for his wife; if it reaches twenty thousand dirhams, he has two bands made for her—for every ten thousand more, he gives another band to his wife. Sometimes one woman may wear many bands around her neck. The jewellery which they prize the most is the dark-green ceramic beads which they have aboard their boats[21] and which they value very highly: they purchase beads for a dirham a piece and string them together as necklaces for their wives.[22]

They are the filthiest of all All¢ah’s creatures: they do not clean themselves after excreting or urinating or wash themselves when in a state of ritual impurity (i.e., after coitus) and do not <even> wash their hands after food.[23] [8] Indeed they are like asses that roam <in the fields>.

They arrive from their territory (min baladi-him) and moor their boats by the £Atil (a large river), building on its banks large wooden houses.[24] They [9] gather in the one house in their tens and twenties, sometimes more, sometimes less. Each of them has a couch on which he sits. They are accompanied by beautiful slave girls for trading. One man will have intercourse with his slave-girl while his companion looks on. Sometimes a group of them comes together to do this, each in front of the other. Sometimes indeed the merchant will come in to buy a slave-girl from one of them and he will chance upon him having intercourse with her, but <the R¢us> will not leave her alone until he has satisfied his urge. They cannot, of course, avoid washing their faces and their heads each day, which they do with the filthiest and most polluted water imaginable. I shall explain. Every day the slave-girl arrives in the morning with a large basin containing water, which she hands to her owner. He washes his hands and his face and his hair in the water, then he dips his comb in the water and brushes his hair, blows his nose and spits in the basin. There is no filthy impurity which he will not do in this water. When he no longer requires it, the slave-girl takes the basin to the man beside him and he goes through the same routine as his friend. She continues to carry it from one man to the next until she has gone round everyone in the house, with each of them blowing his nose and spitting, washing his face and hair in the basin.[25]

The moment their boats reach this dock[26] every one of them disembarks, carrying bread, meat, onions, milk and alcohol (nab³dh),[27] and goes to a tall piece of wood set up <in the ground>. This piece of wood has a face like the face of a man and is surrounded by small figurines behind which are long [10] pieces of wood set up in the ground.[28] <When> he reaches the large figure, he prostrates himself before it and says, “Lord, I have come from a distant land, bringing so many slave-girls <priced at> such and such per head and so many sables <priced at> such and such per pelt.”[29] He continues until he has mentioned all of the merchandise he has brought with him, then says, “And I have brought this offering,” leaving what he has brought with him in front of the piece of wood, saying, “I wish you to provide me with a merchant who has many d³n¢ars and dirhams[30] and who will buy from me whatever I want <to sell> without haggling over the price I fix.”[31] Then he departs. If he has difficulty in selling <his goods> and he has to remain too many days, he returns with a second and third offering. If his wishes prove to be impossible he brings an offering to every single one of those figurines and seeks its intercession, saying, “These are the wives, daughters and sons of our Lord.”[32] He goes up to each figurine in turn and questions it, begging its [11] intercession and grovelling before it. Sometimes business is good and he makes a quick sell, at which point he will say, “My Lord has satisfied my request, so I am required to recompense him.” He procures a number of sheep or cows and slaughters them, donating a portion of the meat to charity[33] and taking the rest and casting it before the large piece of wood and the small ones around it. He ties the heads of the cows or the sheep to that piece of wood set up in the ground.[34] At night, the dogs come and eat it all, but the man who has done all this will say, “My Lord is pleased with me and has eaten my offering.”[35]

When one of them falls ill, they erect a tent away from them and cast him into it, giving him some bread and water. They do not come near him or speak to him, indeed they have no contact with him for the duration of his illness, especially if he is socially inferior or is a slave. If he recovers and gets back to his feet, he rejoins them. If he dies, they bury him, though if he was a slave they leave him there as food for the dogs and the birds.[36] [12]

If they catch a thief or a bandit, they bring him to a large tree and tie a strong rope around his neck. They tie it to the tree and leave him hanging there until <the rope>[37] breaks, <rotted away> by exposure to the rain and the wind.[38]

I was told that when their chieftains die, the least they do is to cremate them.[39] I was very keen to verify this, when I learned of the death of one of [13] their great men. They placed him in his grave (qabr) and erected a canopy[40] over it for ten days, until they had finished making and sewing his <funeral garments>.[41] [14]

In the case of a poor man[42] they build a small boat, place him inside and burn it. In the case of a rich man, they gather together his possessions and divide them into three, one third for his family, one third to use for <his funeral> garments,[43] and one third with which they purchase[44] alcohol which they drink on the day when his slave-girl kills herself[45] and is cremated together with her master.[46] (They are addicted to alcohol, which they drink night and day. Sometimes one of them dies with the cup still in his hand.)[47]

When their chieftain dies, his family ask his slave-girls and slave-boys, “Who among you will die with him?” and some of them reply, “I shall.” Having said this, it becomes incumbent upon the person and it is impossible ever to turn back. Should that person try to, he is not permitted to do so. It is usually slave-girls who make this offer.

When that man whom I mentioned earlier died, they said to his slave-girls, “Who will die with him?” and one of them said, “I shall.” So they placed [15] two slave-girls[48] in charge of her to take care of her and accompany her wherever she went, even to the point of occasionally washing her feet with their own hands. They set about attending to the dead man, preparing his clothes for him and setting right all he needed. Every day the slave-girl would drink <alcohol> and would sing merrily and cheerfully.[49]

On the day when he and the slave-girl were to be burned I arrived at the river where his ship was. To my surprise I discovered that it had been beached and that four planks of birch (khadank) and other types of wood had been erected for it. Around them wood had been placed in such a way as to resemble scaffolding (an¢ab³r).